• user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: SELECT data, created, headers, expire, serialized FROM cache_filter WHERE cid = '3:3fea64982232f12ac730b3180812016b' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 27.
  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">A European Migration Organisation would help the EU develop clearer responses to migration. EU leaders will discuss reform of the Schengen area at their summit next week (23-24 June). Most observers expect some restrictions on borderless travel and the advancement of plans for a European border guard. But more innovative thinking is needed if the future of the Schengen is to be assured.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Taken separately, EU countries attract very different numbers of immigrants and from different locations. Depending on geography, historical ties and international perception, their border challenges and popular concerns over immigration vary widely. They can find precious little to agree on when it comes to a European migration policy, such as entry quotas or the distribution of migrants.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The relative success of Frontex, the EU\'s modest border agency, shows that the Union helps best by delivering personnel, equipment and know-how to states struggling to cope with migration pressures. The agency demonstrated considerable mettle in mitigating last year\'s partial collapse of the Greek-Turkish border and continues to assist Italy with the disembarkation of immigrants fleeing northern Africa.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">But apprehending unauthorised immigrants on land and sea is costly and a moral minefield. Earlier intervention in often ill-conceived plans to travel to Europe could save lives, spare resources and help alleviate political tensions within the Schengen area. At their summit, leaders should complement the efforts of Frontex – and of the EU\'s newly established refugee office in Malta – by creating a European Migration Organisation (EMO).</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Headquartered in an EU country, the organisation would have branches in the Union\'s overseas missions. Its specialists would enjoy semi-autonomous status but perform functions similar to immigration liaison officers posted in some national embassies.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Integrated into the EU\'s global network, EMO operatives could feed back real-time information to national capitals about migration trends in key regions and foster intimate working relationships with immigration, labour, health and education authorities in their host countries. Most individual member-states have no such international reach on immigration issues, let alone Frontex or the European Commission\'s home affairs and development directorates.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Importantly, the EMO would be funded mostly through contracts to carry out specific projects in migrants\' home countries and the \'transit\' regions through which they travel to Europe. The market for such \'migration-delivery services\' is healthy with governments and EU institutions readily outsourcing some tasks to private consultancies, the UN Refugee Agency and the International Organization for Migration.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The EMO should not duplicate the work of other bodies where they have a clear lead, such as in refugee protection. But it could support joint European operations to send back immigrants who enter the Schengen area illegally, help foreign governments to resettle those who return home voluntarily and work with communities overseas at risk from human-traffickers and people-smugglers.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The organisation could also help manage EU \'mobility partnerships\', pilot schemes to which Schengen countries trade some visas to foreign governments in return for greater co-operation on border control and repatriation of their nationals. In time, it could be contracted to administer more ambitious labour-migration programmes for the EU, provide consular services abroad for EU citizens and process the biometric information needed for Schengen visas.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Good leadership from the start would be crucial: the EMO director should set strategy and maintain relationships with EU institutions, the relevant UN bodies and others. He or she could also act as a special adviser on migration to EU interior and justice ministers.</p><p style=\"text-align: justify;\">The historian Tony Judt once wrote of the reflex tendency of European nations to build institutional talking-shops as “a prophylatic, to keep the past at bay”. But, by learning from past successes and failures, a European Migration Organisation could be something more. Neither a border guard nor an NGO, it would be a flexible body charged with helping governments respond to one of the perplexing public-policy challenges now facing Europe.</p>', created = 1508713332, expire = 1508799732, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:3fea64982232f12ac730b3180812016b' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>\"The consequences are likely to be far-reaching. Not only will governments struggle to push through the needed reforms, but there is a risk of a broader backlash against the market economy and the European Union,\" said Simon Tilford of the CER,</p><p></p><p>The risk, however, is that these and other structural reforms become discredited because voters associate them with declining living standards and rising inequality, according to Simon Tilford, chief economist at the Centre for European Reform, a London think tank. \"The consequences are likely to be far-reaching. Not only will governments struggle to push through the needed reforms, but there is a risk of a broader backlash against the market economy and the European Union,\" he said.</p>', created = 1508713333, expire = 1508799733, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:a0105a06fbb973e3b5108beee2b9f742' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>\"The consequences are likely to be far-reaching. Not only will governments struggle to push through the needed reforms, but there is a risk of a broader backlash against the market economy and the European Union,\" said Simon Tilford of the CER,</p><p></p>', created = 1508713333, expire = 1508799733, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:2778adf9e1ff3311837d4917e34b5cfe' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>According to Philip Whyte, a senior research fellow at the&nbsp;CER in London, to accept that the eurozone suffers from a structural flaw that can only be corrected by more federalism is politically explosive. In his <a href=\"http://www.cer.org.uk/sites/default/files/publications/attachments/pdf/2012/essay_bankingunion_5dec12-6704.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><span style=\"color: rgb(0, 102, 204);\">analysis</span></span></a>, he points out that a more federal structure goes at the heart of sovereignty because it allows European bodies to dictate the fate of national banks, putting taxpayers\' money at the disposal of the eurozone to solve problems in other member states. This is the reason, the analyst believes, why it takes so much time to accept the idea of a banking union and all its implications.</p><p>It is clear that a fully fledged banking union in the euro area will not emerge any time soon, Philip Whyte writes, because political constraints are too big. Acquiescing a partial federalisation, embodied in the supervisory mechanism for the banks, however, will not solve the problems, the analyst is convinced underscoring that the rest of the bitter medicine - direct recapitalisation of banks, creating a resolution mechanism and deposit guarantees - cannot be avoided. Moreover, he explains, partial solution creates another problem - destabilisation of the EU-27 by diminishing the status of the non-euro countries.</p>', created = 1508713333, expire = 1508799733, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:ce93cc6ce230422e1cfd1c41a4735734' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>According to Philip Whyte, a senior research fellow at the&nbsp;CER in London, to accept that the eurozone suffers from a structural flaw that can only be corrected by more federalism is politically explosive. </p>', created = 1508713333, expire = 1508799733, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:99e4bd91606e8192f07cc9ba49dbcd04' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>\"For two decades Britain\'s EU debate has been one-sided: Eurosceptic politicians and commentators have set the agenda, while few politicians (or business leaders) have argued the merits of the EU,\" Charles Grant of the CER wrote in a recent paper. \"Pro-EU politicians have seen the short-term advantages of saying little about an unpopular subject. So they have lost the argument by default.\"</p>', created = 1508713333, expire = 1508799733, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:233339d68a8a06c84db000c563b06502' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>\"For two decades Britain\'s EU debate has been one-sided: Eurosceptic politicians and commentators have set the agenda, while few politicians (or business leaders) have argued the merits of the EU,\" Charles Grant of the CER wrote in a recent paper.</p>', created = 1508713333, expire = 1508799733, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:e256a2ee010e8de98e588d195c312a05' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>Europe\'s common security policy is \"stuck between the strategic realities of declining defence budgets, waning European power in the world and a lack of will and ability to project strategic force outward\", said Hugo Brady, a senior research fellow at the CER.&nbsp;\"And on the other side, political inertia to do serious stuff in defence.\"</p>', created = 1508713333, expire = 1508799733, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:3227d4f886a611271ccddf1b6a607299' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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  • user warning: Table './cer_staging/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>\"È stata una risposta un po\' emotiva - precisa Philip Whyte economista del think-tank Centre for European Reform - nel senso che i timori politici sono apparsi dominanti sulle considerazioni tecniche\".</p>', created = 1508713333, expire = 1508799733, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '3:2d2a95bc47e87c107a40d6395646833f' in /home/cer/staging/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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Why the EU needs a migration organisation

Why the EU needs a migration organisation

Written by Hugo Brady, 01 June 2011
From European Voice

A European Migration Organisation would help the EU develop clearer responses to migration. EU leaders will discuss reform of the Schengen area at their summit next week (23-24 June). Most observers expect some restrictions on borderless travel and the advancement of plans for a European border guard. But more innovative thinking is needed if the future of the Schengen is to be assured.

Taken separately, EU countries attract very different numbers of immigrants and from different locations. Depending on geography, historical ties and international perception, their border challenges and popular concerns over immigration vary widely. They can find precious little to agree on when it comes to a European migration policy, such as entry quotas or the distribution of migrants.

The relative success of Frontex, the EU's modest border agency, shows that the Union helps best by delivering personnel, equipment and know-how to states struggling to cope with migration pressures. The agency demonstrated considerable mettle in mitigating last year's partial collapse of the Greek-Turkish border and continues to assist Italy with the disembarkation of immigrants fleeing northern Africa.

But apprehending unauthorised immigrants on land and sea is costly and a moral minefield. Earlier intervention in often ill-conceived plans to travel to Europe could save lives, spare resources and help alleviate political tensions within the Schengen area. At their summit, leaders should complement the efforts of Frontex – and of the EU's newly established refugee office in Malta – by creating a European Migration Organisation (EMO).

Headquartered in an EU country, the organisation would have branches in the Union's overseas missions. Its specialists would enjoy semi-autonomous status but perform functions similar to immigration liaison officers posted in some national embassies.

Integrated into the EU's global network, EMO operatives could feed back real-time information to national capitals about migration trends in key regions and foster intimate working relationships with immigration, labour, health and education authorities in their host countries. Most individual member-states have no such international reach on immigration issues, let alone Frontex or the European Commission's home affairs and development directorates.

Importantly, the EMO would be funded mostly through contracts to carry out specific projects in migrants' home countries and the 'transit' regions through which they travel to Europe. The market for such 'migration-delivery services' is healthy with governments and EU institutions readily outsourcing some tasks to private consultancies, the UN Refugee Agency and the International Organization for Migration.

The EMO should not duplicate the work of other bodies where they have a clear lead, such as in refugee protection. But it could support joint European operations to send back immigrants who enter the Schengen area illegally, help foreign governments to resettle those who return home voluntarily and work with communities overseas at risk from human-traffickers and people-smugglers.

The organisation could also help manage EU 'mobility partnerships', pilot schemes to which Schengen countries trade some visas to foreign governments in return for greater co-operation on border control and repatriation of their nationals. In time, it could be contracted to administer more ambitious labour-migration programmes for the EU, provide consular services abroad for EU citizens and process the biometric information needed for Schengen visas.

Good leadership from the start would be crucial: the EMO director should set strategy and maintain relationships with EU institutions, the relevant UN bodies and others. He or she could also act as a special adviser on migration to EU interior and justice ministers.

The historian Tony Judt once wrote of the reflex tendency of European nations to build institutional talking-shops as “a prophylatic, to keep the past at bay”. But, by learning from past successes and failures, a European Migration Organisation could be something more. Neither a border guard nor an NGO, it would be a flexible body charged with helping governments respond to one of the perplexing public-policy challenges now facing Europe.